Narcoterrorismo en America Latina politica crimen organizado el desafio de la seguridad regional

Published September 5th, 2025

Narcoterrorism in Latin America: The Intersection of Politics, Organized Crime, and Regional Security Threats

Narcoterrorism has deep roots in Latin America. In 1983, Peruvian President Fernando Belaúnde Terry introduced the term to describe Shining Path’s attacks on counter-narcotics officials.

 

In Colombia, the term gained traction in the late 1990s when it was incorporated into military doctrine and became one of the foundations of Plan Colombia (2000). Authorities defined narcoterrorism as a hybrid threat embodied by the FARC and ELN guerrillas and paramilitary groups. These groups used drug trafficking to finance armed operations, expand terrorist capabilities, and challenge the state through territorial control.

 

Initially, the definition of narcoterrorism was debated. Academics questioned whether it accurately described a real phenomenon or merely served the interests of politics and the media. They argued the term justified extraordinary security measures and greater military involvement in drug policy. However, subsequent events in the region demonstrated the practical relevance of the term, shifting focus from theory to lived reality.

 

The Impact of 9/11 and the Globalization of the Term


The September 11, 2001, attacks marked a turning point.
In its aftermath, the U.S. government broadened the scope of the ‘war on terrorism’ and authorized increased support for Colombia in combating armed groups financed by drug trafficking. In this way, a regional term became embedded in the global security and counterterrorism narrative.

 

After two decades of debate, practice has prevailed. Many states now believe that only a full deployment of state military, judicial, and intelligence resources can confront cartels and criminal organizations using terrorist tactics to expand their power. Countries such as Ecuador and Mexico adopted this approach to address crime-related violence with political and social impact.

 

In the United States, President Donald Trump’s administration designated several cartels and criminal groups as foreign terrorist organizations. These included the Sinaloa Cartel, the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG), the Northeast Cartel, the New Michoacán Family, the Gulf Cartel, and Carteles Unidos. Authorities also targeted transnational organizations such as Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13), Tren de Aragua, and, more recently, Los Choneros and Los Lobos from Ecuador. It would not be surprising if, soon, this list grew to include Brazil’s Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC) and Comando Vermelho.

 

All of these groups share common traits: a significant capacity for regional destabilization, territorial and political control, and firepower that exceeds that of many police forces. Their financing model is largely sustained by drug trafficking. This blend of organized crime and political violence confirms that narcoterrorism remains an active and expanding challenge. It transcends national borders and demands comprehensive responses that integrate security, intelligence, justice, and international cooperation.

 

Narcoterrorism as a Diversified Criminal Economy

 

Progressive-oriented governments have tended to address drug trafficking primarily as a social problem. However, this approach is insufficient, as it overlooks the fact that drug trafficking is one of the principal sources of financing for organized crime. The terrorist actions associated with these groups are not incidental, but rather part of a deliberate strategy: securing territorial control through intimidation and manipulation of the population.

 

This model not only guarantees steady income for narcoterrorist groups, but also enables them to secure social support within the communities where they operate. They achieve this by offering immediate economic benefits to certain sectors, while simultaneously imposing a regime of terror to silence those who resist.

 

 

Reducing this phenomenon solely to a social issue ignores a key factor:

 

a drug trafficking collaborator can earn the equivalent of five or more minimum monthly wages through illicit activities, an amount the state can hardly match through legal employment or crop substitution programs. After all, what company could pay five minimum wages for harvesting cocoa or plantains, as drug traffickers do for harvesting coca leaves?

This economic asymmetry explains much of these organizations’ ability to recruit and retain members.

 


Another common misconception is that drug legalization would resolve the problem. Such an assumption reflects naivety and a fundamental misunderstanding of the criminal phenomenon. These organizations do not depend exclusively on the production, transport, and sale of narcotics. Their structure, methods of coercion, and territorial control enable them to diversify revenue streams across multiple illicit activities, including illegal mining, irregular migration, smuggling, extortion, arms trafficking, sexual exploitation, fuel theft, and money laundering, among others.

 

Narcoterrorism, therefore, should be understood as a diversified criminal economy capable of adapting and expanding beyond traditional drug trafficking.

Any serious strategy to confront it must acknowledge this complexity and employ all state capabilities—military, judicial, economic, and social — in a coordinated and sustained manner.


Lessons from Colombia and Regional Expansion

Colombia, this approach proved effective in weakening the main drivers of violence by strengthening state capabilities and evolving doctrine toward Joint Interagency Operations. The results were undeniable: the demobilization of the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) in 2006; a reduction in kidnappings from 3,715 in 2000 to 98 in 2014; a 64% decrease in ELN forces, from 4,130 combatants in 2002 to 1,480 in 2014; and a 67% reduction in FARC combatants, from 20,766 to 6,672 over the same period, culminating in the signing of the peace agreement.

 

The only effective way to counter Organized Armed Groups is comprehensive state power, combining social initiatives with the decisive dismantling of criminal structures and discouraging crime as an economic option for communities.

 

A concrete example of this can be observed in Colombia. In 2014, 83% of the country’s municipalities were free from criminal presence. However, a strategic shift inspired by a progressive vision weakened the previously implemented security policies. Today, that figure has reversed: nearly 73% of Colombian municipalities experience some degree of criminal activity.

This phenomenon is not unique to Colombia. A similar process has unfolded in Ecuador, where transnational organized crime groups, employing terrorist tactics, have managed to exert control over roughly half of the national territory. The most concerning aspect is that their activities are no longer limited to drug trafficking. These organizations have diversified their revenue streams into illegal mining, which in many cases rivals or even surpasses drug trafficking profits, as well as extortion, kidnapping, human trafficking, and other criminal enterprises.

 

 

The same pattern is evident in other countries across the region, such as Mexico, Honduras, Guatemala, and, at one point, El Salvador, where security conditions deteriorated under the actions of these groups. Even Brazil and Chile have felt the effects of policies that, by adopting a progressive approach, weakened the budgets and operational capacity of the armed forces and police. These administrations believed that a social approach could address the root causes of violence. However, they did not recognize that the problem, above all, is a vicious criminal cycle fueled by easy money, one that corrupts social foundations and erodes principles and values.

 

When criminal groups succeed in controlling territory, the state loses its capacity to exert influence and is effectively supplanted by these organizations. As Pablo Escobar’s infamous phrase “silver or lead” succinctly captured, communities are either subdued through intimidation or enticed by economic gain.

It is time to rethink the strategy. Security requires confronting criminal threats with the full force of state power and dismantling their structures, while also fostering long-term cultural transformation. Strengthening values and legal prosperity through education is key. Only with decisive security responses and sustained civic education can lasting peace and security be restored.

 

A golden opportunity

 

The current context, in which the United States government supports a firm stance against the narcoterrorist groups most affecting our region, represents a unique opportunity. Access to advanced intelligence and the military power of the world’s leading superpower should prompt reflection: Latin American states must move forward with military cooperation agreements to collectively confront this phenomenon.

Several countries in the region—Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador, and Colombia, among others—are suffering the most severe impacts of drug production and trafficking. A regional security plan, coordinated with U.S. support, would enable simultaneous and sustained actions capable of producing swift and decisive victories, much like those achieved in Colombia during the period in which a comprehensive security policy against drug trafficking was implemented.

 

En el caso de Colombia, el desafío inmediato está marcado por las elecciones del próximo año. El futuro de la seguridad dependerá en gran medida de que el país opte por un modelo de gobierno comprometido con soluciones firmes. Esto exige un liderazgo altamente preparado: con conocimiento en materia de seguridad y economía, con habilidad diplomática y con capacidad para hacer funcionar de manera eficiente al Estado. Sin estas condiciones, será difícil revertir la crisis de seguridad que atraviesan los colombianos.

Ecuador, for its part, under a newly established conservative government, must quickly consolidate agreements with the United States. Access to consultants and experts with international experience, combined with the adaptation of legal frameworks and military doctrines, will be critical to effectively confronting narcoterrorist organizations.

 

 

It is essential to acknowledge that the methodologies employed by these criminal groups have evolved. Their terrorist actions are increasingly sophisticated, and their ability to manipulate broad sectors of society seeks to neutralize state action. This reality compels innovation in military doctrine, tactical strategies, and legal frameworks. The fact is that many communities do not act solely out of economic need; they have been enticed by the financial power of drug trafficking and collaborate with these groups, whether actively or complacently.

 

 

In this context, the legislative branch bears a fundamental responsibility: to provide the armed forces and police with a robust legal framework that enables them to take decisive action. There is no longer room for ambiguity or half measures. The state requires clear legal and operational instruments to directly confront narcoterrorist organizations, regain territorial control, and guarantee the security of its citizens.

Fernando Tapias – CEO Zehirut 

Zehirut 2025

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